Which of the following best explains a limitation in Mumfords critique of postwar suburbanization quizlet?

"Question: When is a dollar more than a dollar?
"Answer: When it's used in Levittown, the most perfectly planned community in America!
"Anybody can build a house and charge a lot of money for it. But it's news—big news—when you can find a house . . . to buy for only $8,990. It's a beauty with 3 and a half delightful rooms.
"PLUS professionally landscaped grounds. . . .
"PLUS a complete bath with a tub, toilet, shower, basin . . .
"PLUS . . . all-steel kitchen cabinets, a stainless steel sink . . .
"PLUS free use of Levittown's championship swimming pools,
"PLUS free use of all playgrounds, baseball fields, play areas. . . .
"So if you don't want to be disappointed, come out as soon as you can—today if possible."
Advertisement for Levitt and Sons housing development in Levittown, Pennsylvania, Philadelphia Inquirer, 1951
The ideas in the advertisement most likely had limited appeal for which of the following groups?
A
Marketers and salespeople
B
Married homemakers and parents
C
Managers and professionals employed by corporations
D
Rebellious young people uncomfortable with conformity

"Question: When is a dollar more than a dollar?
"Answer: When it's used in Levittown, the most perfectly planned community in America!
"Anybody can build a house and charge a lot of money for it. But it's news—big news—when you can find a house . . . to buy for only $8,990. It's a beauty with 3 and a half delightful rooms.
"PLUS professionally landscaped grounds. . . .
"PLUS a complete bath with a tub, toilet, shower, basin . . .
"PLUS . . . all-steel kitchen cabinets, a stainless steel sink . . .
"PLUS free use of Levittown's championship swimming pools,
"PLUS free use of all playgrounds, baseball fields, play areas. . . .
"So if you don't want to be disappointed, come out as soon as you can—today if possible."
Advertisement for Levitt and Sons housing development in Levittown, Pennsylvania, Philadelphia Inquirer, 1951
The advertisement best provides evidence for which of the following developments in the 1950s?
A
The increase in homogeneity in postwar society
B
The efforts by civil rights activists to oppose segregation
C
The rejection by some artists and intellectuals of mass culture
D
The spread of fear of communist infiltration of the federal government

"Question: When is a dollar more than a dollar?
"Answer: When it's used in Levittown, the most perfectly planned community in America!
"Anybody can build a house and charge a lot of money for it. But it's news—big news—when you can find a house . . . to buy for only $8,990. It's a beauty with 3 and a half delightful rooms.
"PLUS professionally landscaped grounds. . . .
"PLUS a complete bath with a tub, toilet, shower, basin . . .
"PLUS . . . all-steel kitchen cabinets, a stainless steel sink . . .
"PLUS free use of Levittown's championship swimming pools,
"PLUS free use of all playgrounds, baseball fields, play areas. . . .
"So if you don't want to be disappointed, come out as soon as you can—today if possible."
Advertisement for Levitt and Sons housing development in Levittown, Pennsylvania, Philadelphia Inquirer, 1951
Which of the following best explains a limitation of the incentives expressed in the advertisement?
A
Many new suburban housing developments of the 1950s practiced racial segregation.
B
Many middle-class families could not afford to buy homes in new suburban developments in the 1950s.
C
Many new suburban housing developments of the 1950s restricted access by age.
D
Many middle-class families preferred to live in cities in the 1950s.

"Question: When is a dollar more than a dollar?
"Answer: When it's used in Levittown, the most perfectly planned community in America!
"Anybody can build a house and charge a lot of money for it. But it's news—big news—when you can find a house . . . to buy for only $8,990. It's a beauty with 3 and a half delightful rooms.
"PLUS professionally landscaped grounds. . . .
"PLUS a complete bath with a tub, toilet, shower, basin . . .
"PLUS . . . all-steel kitchen cabinets, a stainless steel sink . . .
"PLUS free use of Levittown's championship swimming pools,
"PLUS free use of all playgrounds, baseball fields, play areas. . . .
"So if you don't want to be disappointed, come out as soon as you can—today if possible."
Advertisement for Levitt and Sons housing development in Levittown, Pennsylvania, Philadelphia Inquirer, 1951
The ideas expressed in the advertisement overlook which of the following contexts that allowed for the expansion of new suburban housing developments in the 1950s?
A
The sharp increase in birth rates after the war
B
The reliance on new roads and highways
C
The growth of income for middle-class families
D
The appeal of modern amenities to consumers

"I am forty-nine years old. It took me years of considerable anguish to get where I am. . . . I was nurtured in the Depression; I lost four years to war; I have had one coronary; I am a 'liberal,' a square and a professor of history.
"As such, I am supposed to have 'liaison' with the young. But the fact is that I am fed up with hippies, Yippies, militants and nonsense. . . .
"Every generation makes mistakes, always has and always will. We have made our share. But my generation has made America the most affluent country on earth; it has tackled, head-on, a racial problem which no nation on earth in the history of mankind had dared to do. It has publicly declared war on poverty and it has gone to the moon; it has desegregated schools and abolished polio. . . .
"I assert that we are [in] trouble with this younger generation not because we have failed our country, not because of affluence or stupidity, . . . not because we are middle-class materialists, but simply because we have failed to keep that generation in its place. . . .
"To the extent that we now rely on the police, mace, the National Guard, tear gas, steel fences and a wringing of hands, we will fail. What we need is a reappraisal of our own middle-class selves, our worth and our hard-won progress. We need to use disdain, not mace; we need to reassess a weapon we came by the hard way—firm authority as parents, teachers, businessmen, workers and politicians."
K. Ross Toole, An Angry Man Talks Up to Youth, 1970
Which of the following was a long-term reaction to the actions of the youth addressed in the excerpt?
A
The establishment of organizations to address environmental concerns
B
The expansion of United States military involvement in Southeast Asia
C
The rejection of nonviolent tactics by the majority of civil rights groups
D
The emergence of a conservative backlash against perceived cultural decline

"I am forty-nine years old. It took me years of considerable anguish to get where I am. . . . I was nurtured in the Depression; I lost four years to war; I have had one coronary; I am a 'liberal,' a square and a professor of history.
"As such, I am supposed to have 'liaison' with the young. But the fact is that I am fed up with hippies, Yippies, militants and nonsense. . . .
"Every generation makes mistakes, always has and always will. We have made our share. But my generation has made America the most affluent country on earth; it has tackled, head-on, a racial problem which no nation on earth in the history of mankind had dared to do. It has publicly declared war on poverty and it has gone to the moon; it has desegregated schools and abolished polio. . . .
"I assert that we are [in] trouble with this younger generation not because we have failed our country, not because of affluence or stupidity, . . . not because we are middle-class materialists, but simply because we have failed to keep that generation in its place. . . .
"To the extent that we now rely on the police, mace, the National Guard, tear gas, steel fences and a wringing of hands, we will fail. What we need is a reappraisal of our own middle-class selves, our worth and our hard-won progress. We need to use disdain, not mace; we need to reassess a weapon we came by the hard way—firm authority as parents, teachers, businessmen, workers and politicians."
K. Ross Toole, An Angry Man Talks Up to Youth, 1970
The historical development described in the excerpt can best be explained by which of the following related developments?
A
The decrease in the number of people going to colleges and universities
B
The creation of a movement to stop federal desegregation efforts
C
The persistence of economic and racial disparity in the United States
D
The reduced concern about the threat of Soviet influence in the United States

"I am forty-nine years old. It took me years of considerable anguish to get where I am. . . . I was nurtured in the Depression; I lost four years to war; I have had one coronary; I am a 'liberal,' a square and a professor of history.
"As such, I am supposed to have 'liaison' with the young. But the fact is that I am fed up with hippies, Yippies, militants and nonsense. . . .
"Every generation makes mistakes, always has and always will. We have made our share. But my generation has made America the most affluent country on earth; it has tackled, head-on, a racial problem which no nation on earth in the history of mankind had dared to do. It has publicly declared war on poverty and it has gone to the moon; it has desegregated schools and abolished polio. . . .
"I assert that we are [in] trouble with this younger generation not because we have failed our country, not because of affluence or stupidity, . . . not because we are middle-class materialists, but simply because we have failed to keep that generation in its place. . . .
"To the extent that we now rely on the police, mace, the National Guard, tear gas, steel fences and a wringing of hands, we will fail. What we need is a reappraisal of our own middle-class selves, our worth and our hard-won progress. We need to use disdain, not mace; we need to reassess a weapon we came by the hard way—firm authority as parents, teachers, businessmen, workers and politicians."
K. Ross Toole, An Angry Man Talks Up to Youth, 1970
The sentiments expressed in the excerpt are best explained in connection to which of the following broader developments during the period?
A
Rising influence of evangelical Christian political organizations
B
A widening political and cultural gap between young people and earlier generations
C
Growing support for suburbanization and for having large, nuclear families
D
Increasing calls for the United States to take a more aggressive stance against immigration

"For each of us, as for the robin in Michigan or the salmon in the Miramichi, this is a problem of ecology, of interrelationships, of interdependence. We poison the caddis flies in the stream and the salmon runs dwindle and die. . . . We spray our elms and the following springs are silent of robin song, not because we sprayed the robins directly but because the poison traveled, step by step, through the now familiar elm leaf-earthworm-robin cycle. These are matters of record, observable, part of the visible world around us."
Rachel Carson, Silent Spring, 1962
Which of the following developments contributed most directly to the conditions described in the excerpt?
A
The erosion of soil on the Great Plains
B
The growth of suburban housing on previously undeveloped land
C
The increase in government regulation of natural resources
D
The growth of higher education

"For each of us, as for the robin in Michigan or the salmon in the Miramichi, this is a problem of ecology, of interrelationships, of interdependence. We poison the caddis flies in the stream and the salmon runs dwindle and die. . . . We spray our elms and the following springs are silent of robin song, not because we sprayed the robins directly but because the poison traveled, step by step, through the now familiar elm leaf-earthworm-robin cycle. These are matters of record, observable, part of the visible world around us."
Rachel Carson, Silent Spring, 1962
Carson's argument in the excerpt most strongly influenced the
A
rise of a counterculture among young people
B
passage of new laws to reduce pollution
C
establishment of the National Park System
D
growing number of farmers in the United States

"We face a hostile ideology—global in scope, atheistic in character, ruthless in purpose, and insidious in method. . . . To meet it successfully, there is called for, not so much the emotional and transitory sacrifices of crisis, but rather . . . the burdens of a prolonged and complex struggle—with liberty the stake. . . .
"Until the latest of our world conflicts, the United States had no armaments industry. . . . We have been compelled to create a permanent armaments industry of vast proportions. Added to this, three and a half million men and women are directly engaged in the defense establishment. We annually spend on military security more than the net income of all United States corporations.
"This conjunction of an immense military establishment and a large arms industry is new in the American experience. . . . In the councils of government, we must guard against the acquisition of unwarranted influence, whether sought or unsought, by the military-industrial complex.
"We must never let the weight of this combination endanger our liberties or democratic processes. We should take nothing for granted. Only an alert and knowledgeable citizenry can compel the proper meshing of the huge industrial and military machinery of defense with our peaceful methods and goals, so that security and liberty may prosper together."
President Dwight Eisenhower, farewell address, 1961
"The implacable Communist drive for power takes many forms and works in many ways, but behind it all, behind every weapon that they have in their arsenal is one basic fact, and that is the military power of the Communist bloc, for it is here that the Communist advance and relative American decline can be most sharply seen. . . .
"The development in 1953 of a relatively small hydrogen warhead made missiles the key to future military power. The Soviet Union decided then to go all out in missile development. But here in the United States we cut back our funds for missile development. . . .
"For the harsh facts of the matter are that our relative military strength has not increased as fast as the Russians in ground forces, submarines, and missiles. . . .
". . . We must step up crash programs on the ultimate weapon: the Polaris submarine [and] the Minuteman missile, which will eventually close the missile gap."
"[And] we must rebuild our diplomatic corps. . . . When Guinea became independent . . . it took us 8 months to send an ambassador. [The Soviet Union] was there the day they got independence, and now Guinea support the Communist foreign policy."
Senator John F. Kennedy, presidential campaign speech, 1960
The excerpts best support which of the following arguments about postwar United States foreign policy?
A
Some Americans called for the United States to reduce tensions with the Soviet Union.
B
Fear of Soviet expansion led to greater United States international involvement.
C
The United States sought to recolonize countries that had gained independence.
D
Many Americans opposed the creation of new alliances in Europe.

"We face a hostile ideology—global in scope, atheistic in character, ruthless in purpose, and insidious in method. . . . To meet it successfully, there is called for, not so much the emotional and transitory sacrifices of crisis, but rather . . . the burdens of a prolonged and complex struggle—with liberty the stake. . . .
"Until the latest of our world conflicts, the United States had no armaments industry. . . . We have been compelled to create a permanent armaments industry of vast proportions. Added to this, three and a half million men and women are directly engaged in the defense establishment. We annually spend on military security more than the net income of all United States corporations.
"This conjunction of an immense military establishment and a large arms industry is new in the American experience. . . . In the councils of government, we must guard against the acquisition of unwarranted influence, whether sought or unsought, by the military-industrial complex.
"We must never let the weight of this combination endanger our liberties or democratic processes. We should take nothing for granted. Only an alert and knowledgeable citizenry can compel the proper meshing of the huge industrial and military machinery of defense with our peaceful methods and goals, so that security and liberty may prosper together."
President Dwight Eisenhower, farewell address, 1961
"The implacable Communist drive for power takes many forms and works in many ways, but behind it all, behind every weapon that they have in their arsenal is one basic fact, and that is the military power of the Communist bloc, for it is here that the Communist advance and relative American decline can be most sharply seen. . . .
"The development in 1953 of a relatively small hydrogen warhead made missiles the key to future military power. The Soviet Union decided then to go all out in missile development. But here in the United States we cut back our funds for missile development. . . .
"For the harsh facts of the matter are that our relative military strength has not increased as fast as the Russians in ground forces, submarines, and missiles. . . .
". . . We must step up crash programs on the ultimate weapon: the Polaris submarine [and] the Minuteman missile, which will eventually close the missile gap."
"[And] we must rebuild our diplomatic corps. . . . When Guinea became independent . . . it took us 8 months to send an ambassador. [The Soviet Union] was there the day they got independence, and now Guinea support the Communist foreign policy."
Senator John F. Kennedy, presidential campaign speech, 1960
Which of the following was a similarity between Eisenhower's and Kennedy's arguments in the excerpts?
A
Both claimed that defense policy could threaten liberty at home.
B
Both declared that the United States had lost international influence.
C
Both called for an increase in spending on military weapons and supplies.
D
Both asserted that communism was a threat to the United States national security.

"We face a hostile ideology—global in scope, atheistic in character, ruthless in purpose, and insidious in method. . . . To meet it successfully, there is called for, not so much the emotional and transitory sacrifices of crisis, but rather . . . the burdens of a prolonged and complex struggle—with liberty the stake. . . .
"Until the latest of our world conflicts, the United States had no armaments industry. . . . We have been compelled to create a permanent armaments industry of vast proportions. Added to this, three and a half million men and women are directly engaged in the defense establishment. We annually spend on military security more than the net income of all United States corporations.
"This conjunction of an immense military establishment and a large arms industry is new in the American experience. . . . In the councils of government, we must guard against the acquisition of unwarranted influence, whether sought or unsought, by the military-industrial complex.
"We must never let the weight of this combination endanger our liberties or democratic processes. We should take nothing for granted. Only an alert and knowledgeable citizenry can compel the proper meshing of the huge industrial and military machinery of defense with our peaceful methods and goals, so that security and liberty may prosper together."
President Dwight Eisenhower, farewell address, 1961
"The implacable Communist drive for power takes many forms and works in many ways, but behind it all, behind every weapon that they have in their arsenal is one basic fact, and that is the military power of the Communist bloc, for it is here that the Communist advance and relative American decline can be most sharply seen. . . .
"The development in 1953 of a relatively small hydrogen warhead made missiles the key to future military power. The Soviet Union decided then to go all out in missile development. But here in the United States we cut back our funds for missile development. . . .
"For the harsh facts of the matter are that our relative military strength has not increased as fast as the Russians in ground forces, submarines, and missiles. . . .
". . . We must step up crash programs on the ultimate weapon: the Polaris submarine [and] the Minuteman missile, which will eventually close the missile gap."
"[And] we must rebuild our diplomatic corps. . . . When Guinea became independent . . . it took us 8 months to send an ambassador. [The Soviet Union] was there the day they got independence, and now Guinea support the Communist foreign policy."
Senator John F. Kennedy, presidential campaign speech, 1960
Which of the following best describes a difference between Eisenhower's and Kennedy's arguments in the excerpts?
A
Eisenhower believed that the United States should invade communist countries, while Kennedy believed that the United States should establish peaceful relations with communist countries.
B
Eisenhower claimed that communism posed no threat to the United States, while Kennedy claimed that communism was a danger to the United States.
C
Kennedy called for an increase in spending on national defense, while Eisenhower cautioned against the effect of defense spending on democratic government.
D
Kennedy asserted that overseas allies were dispensable in the fight against communism, while Eisenhower warned that overseas allies were necessary to oppose communist aggression.

"We believe that the Negro should adopt every means to protect himself against barbarous practices inflicted upon him because of color.
"We believe in the freedom of Africa for the Negro people of the world, and by the principle of Europe for the Europeans and Asia for the Asiatics, we also demand Africa for the Africans at home and abroad....
"We strongly condemn the cupidity of those nations of the world who, by open aggression or secret schemes, have seized the territories and inexhaustible natural wealth of Africa, and we place on record our most solemn determination to reclaim the treasures and possession of the vast continent of our forefathers."
Marcus Garvey, Declaration of Rights of the Negro Peoples of the World, adopted at the first convention of the Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA), August 1920
Which of the following later movements held ideas closest to those expressed by Garvey in the excerpt?
A
A. Philip Randolph's organizing of Black railroad workers into the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters
B
Thurgood Marshall and the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People's legal efforts to desegregate schools in Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka
C
Martin Luther King, Jr.'s, efforts to win equal rights for African Americans through nonviolent civil disobedience
D
Malcolm X's Black nationalism emphasizing racial pride and economic self-sufficiency

"Resolved, That the Senator from Wisconsin, Mr. [Joseph] McCarthy . . . repeatedly abused the subcommittee and its members who were trying to carry out assigned duties, thereby obstructing the constitutional processes of the Senate, and that this conduct of the Senator from Wisconsin, Mr. McCarthy, is contrary to senatorial traditions and is hereby condemned.
"Sec 2. The Senator from Wisconsin, Mr. McCarthy . . . in stating to the public press on November 13, 1954, that the chairman of the Select Committee (Mr. Watkins) was guilty of 'the most unusual, most cowardly things I've ever heard of' and . . . in characterizing the said committee as the 'unwitting handmaiden,' 'involuntary agent' and 'attorneys-in-fact' of the Communist Party and in charging that the said committee in writing its report 'imitated Communist methods' . . . acted contrary to senatorial ethics and tended to bring the Senate into dishonor and disrepute, to obstruct the constitutional processes of the Senate, and to impair its dignity; and such conduct is hereby condemned."
United States Senate Resolution 301, 1954
The excerpt could best be used as evidence by historians studying which of the following?
A
The expansion of suburbs
B
The decline of the Red Scare
C
The emergence of the Soviet Union
D
The development of a counterculture movement

"Resolved, That the Senator from Wisconsin, Mr. [Joseph] McCarthy . . . repeatedly abused the subcommittee and its members who were trying to carry out assigned duties, thereby obstructing the constitutional processes of the Senate, and that this conduct of the Senator from Wisconsin, Mr. McCarthy, is contrary to senatorial traditions and is hereby condemned.
"Sec 2. The Senator from Wisconsin, Mr. McCarthy . . . in stating to the public press on November 13, 1954, that the chairman of the Select Committee (Mr. Watkins) was guilty of 'the most unusual, most cowardly things I've ever heard of' and . . . in characterizing the said committee as the 'unwitting handmaiden,' 'involuntary agent' and 'attorneys-in-fact' of the Communist Party and in charging that the said committee in writing its report 'imitated Communist methods' . . . acted contrary to senatorial ethics and tended to bring the Senate into dishonor and disrepute, to obstruct the constitutional processes of the Senate, and to impair its dignity; and such conduct is hereby condemned."
United States Senate Resolution 301, 1954
Senator Joseph McCarthy's actions, as described in the excerpt, were most likely interpreted at the time as a reaction to which of the following historical situations?
A
Challenges to New Deal economic policies
B
Creation of the interstate highway system
C
Expansion of the size of the military
D
Perceptions of expanding foreign influence

"Resolved, That the Senator from Wisconsin, Mr. [Joseph] McCarthy . . . repeatedly abused the subcommittee and its members who were trying to carry out assigned duties, thereby obstructing the constitutional processes of the Senate, and that this conduct of the Senator from Wisconsin, Mr. McCarthy, is contrary to senatorial traditions and is hereby condemned.
"Sec 2. The Senator from Wisconsin, Mr. McCarthy . . . in stating to the public press on November 13, 1954, that the chairman of the Select Committee (Mr. Watkins) was guilty of 'the most unusual, most cowardly things I've ever heard of' and . . . in characterizing the said committee as the 'unwitting handmaiden,' 'involuntary agent' and 'attorneys-in-fact' of the Communist Party and in charging that the said committee in writing its report 'imitated Communist methods' . . . acted contrary to senatorial ethics and tended to bring the Senate into dishonor and disrepute, to obstruct the constitutional processes of the Senate, and to impair its dignity; and such conduct is hereby condemned."
United States Senate Resolution 301, 1954
Rhetoric in the excerpt would most likely have been interpreted as promoting which of the following policies?
A
Preventing members of the Communist Party from running for office
B
Supporting regimes in Korea and Vietnam against communist influence
C
Rejecting tactics used to expose alleged communists in the government
D
Establishing the diplomatic strategy of détente with communist nations

"A shadow has fallen upon the scenes so lately lighted by the Allied victory. Nobody knows what Soviet Russia and its Communist international organization intends to do in the immediate future, or what are the limits, if any, to their expansive and proselytizing tendencies. . . . It is my duty . . . to place before you certain facts about the present position in Europe.
"From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic, an iron curtain has descended across the Continent. Behind that line lie all the capitals of the ancient states of Central and Eastern Europe. Warsaw, Berlin, Prague, Vienna, Budapest, Belgrade, Bucharest, and Sofia, all these famous cities and the populations around them lie in what I must call the Soviet sphere, and all are subject in one form or another, not only to Soviet influence but to a very high and, in many cases, increasing measure of control from Moscow. Athens alone—Greece with its immortal glories —is free to decide its future at an election under British, American, and French observation. . . . The Communist parties, which were very small in all these Eastern States of Europe, have been raised to preeminence and power far beyond their numbers and are seeking everywhere to obtain totalitarian control."
Former British Prime Minister Sir Winston Churchill, speaking at Westminster College in Fulton, Missouri, "Sinews of Peace," (better known as the "Iron Curtain Speech"), 1946
The fact that a former British prime minister expressed the ideas in the excerpt to an audience in the United States helped promote which of the following?
A
United States support for British efforts to retain its colonial empire
B
A greater United States willingness to share nuclear weapons with Britain
C
A decision by the United States to withdraw troops from Japan in order to better protect Europe
D
The participation of both Britain and the United States in an international collective security system

"A shadow has fallen upon the scenes so lately lighted by the Allied victory. Nobody knows what Soviet Russia and its Communist international organization intends to do in the immediate future, or what are the limits, if any, to their expansive and proselytizing tendencies. . . . It is my duty . . . to place before you certain facts about the present position in Europe.
"From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic, an iron curtain has descended across the Continent. Behind that line lie all the capitals of the ancient states of Central and Eastern Europe. Warsaw, Berlin, Prague, Vienna, Budapest, Belgrade, Bucharest, and Sofia, all these famous cities and the populations around them lie in what I must call the Soviet sphere, and all are subject in one form or another, not only to Soviet influence but to a very high and, in many cases, increasing measure of control from Moscow. Athens alone—Greece with its immortal glories —is free to decide its future at an election under British, American, and French observation. . . . The Communist parties, which were very small in all these Eastern States of Europe, have been raised to preeminence and power far beyond their numbers and are seeking everywhere to obtain totalitarian control."
Former British Prime Minister Sir Winston Churchill, speaking at Westminster College in Fulton, Missouri, "Sinews of Peace," (better known as the "Iron Curtain Speech"), 1946
A key significance of Churchill's purpose in the excerpt was that it helped prompt the United States to
A
promise financial aid to veterans returning from the Second World War, promoting economic growth
B
eliminate many earlier barriers to immigration, allowing postwar refugees to enter the country
C
provide financial support to democratic nations in Western Europe to help restore a market economy
D
restrict the power of labor unions in the United States to help protect the country from communist influence

"A shadow has fallen upon the scenes so lately lighted by the Allied victory. Nobody knows what Soviet Russia and its Communist international organization intends to do in the immediate future, or what are the limits, if any, to their expansive and proselytizing tendencies. . . . It is my duty . . . to place before you certain facts about the present position in Europe.
"From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic, an iron curtain has descended across the Continent. Behind that line lie all the capitals of the ancient states of Central and Eastern Europe. Warsaw, Berlin, Prague, Vienna, Budapest, Belgrade, Bucharest, and Sofia, all these famous cities and the populations around them lie in what I must call the Soviet sphere, and all are subject in one form or another, not only to Soviet influence but to a very high and, in many cases, increasing measure of control from Moscow. Athens alone—Greece with its immortal glories —is free to decide its future at an election under British, American, and French observation. . . . The Communist parties, which were very small in all these Eastern States of Europe, have been raised to preeminence and power far beyond their numbers and are seeking everywhere to obtain totalitarian control."
Former British Prime Minister Sir Winston Churchill, speaking at Westminster College in Fulton, Missouri, "Sinews of Peace," (better known as the "Iron Curtain Speech"), 1946
An important way in which the situation described in the excerpt was significant was that it
A
highlighted a view of communism as an authoritarian threat
B
celebrated the Allies' victory over the Axis powers in the Second World War
C
suggested concerns about communist subversion in the United States
D
encouraged direct military confrontation between the United States and the Soviet Union

"A shadow has fallen upon the scenes so lately lighted by the Allied victory. Nobody knows what Soviet Russia and its Communist international organization intends to do in the immediate future, or what are the limits, if any, to their expansive and proselytizing tendencies. . . . It is my duty . . . to place before you certain facts about the present position in Europe.
"From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic, an iron curtain has descended across the Continent. Behind that line lie all the capitals of the ancient states of Central and Eastern Europe. Warsaw, Berlin, Prague, Vienna, Budapest, Belgrade, Bucharest, and Sofia, all these famous cities and the populations around them lie in what I must call the Soviet sphere, and all are subject in one form or another, not only to Soviet influence but to a very high and, in many cases, increasing measure of control from Moscow. Athens alone—Greece with its immortal glories —is free to decide its future at an election under British, American, and French observation. . . . The Communist parties, which were very small in all these Eastern States of Europe, have been raised to preeminence and power far beyond their numbers and are seeking everywhere to obtain totalitarian control."
Former British Prime Minister Sir Winston Churchill, speaking at Westminster College in Fulton, Missouri, "Sinews of Peace," (better known as the "Iron Curtain Speech"), 1946
Winston Churchill's "Iron Curtain" speech helped mark the beginning of which of the following developments?
A
The Cold War between the United States and the Soviet Union
B
United States efforts to counteract Soviet influence by sending troops into Eastern Europe
C
United States campaigns to support democratic movements in Latin America
D
Soviet Union efforts to extend its influence into the countries of Western Europe

"We know through painful experience that freedom is never voluntarily given by the oppressor; it must be demanded by the oppressed. Frankly, I have yet to engage in a direct-action campaign that was 'well timed' in the view of those who have not suffered unduly from the disease of segregation. . . . We must come to see, with one of our distinguished jurists, that 'justice too long delayed is justice denied.' We have waited for more than 340 years for our constitutional and God-given rights. The nations of Asia and Africa are moving with jetlike speed toward gaining political independence, but we still creep at horse-and-buggy pace toward gaining a cup of coffee at a lunch counter."
Martin Luther King, Jr., African American leader, "Letter from Birmingham Jail," 1963

"The White man knows that the Black revolution is worldwide. . . . So I cite these various revolutions, brothers and sisters, to show you that you don't have a peaceful revolution. You don't have a turn-the-other-cheek revolution. There's no such thing as a nonviolent revolution. The only kind of revolution that's nonviolent is the Negro revolution. The only revolution in which the goal is loving your enemy is the Negro revolution. It's the only revolution in which the goal is a desegregated lunch counter, a desegregated theater, a desegregated park, and a desegregated public toilet.... That's no revolution. Revolution is based on land.... Land is the basis of freedom, justice, and equality. . . . A revolutionary wants land so he can set up his own nation, an independent nation."
Malcolm X, African American leader, "Message to the Grass Roots," 1963
In noting that he had "yet to engage in a direct-action campaign that was 'well timed,'" Martin Luther King, Jr., was most likely arguing against
A
African American activists who asserted that King's tactics were taking too long to produce results
B
Civil Rights activists who believed that more thought should be given to the precise timing of boycotts, demonstrations, and direct actions
C
environmental activists who believed that the struggle for more effective conservation measures should take precedence over the Civil Rights movement
D
White Americans who argued that African Americans should be more patient and that civil rights should not be brought about by civil disobedience tactics

"We know through painful experience that freedom is never voluntarily given by the oppressor; it must be demanded by the oppressed. Frankly, I have yet to engage in a direct-action campaign that was 'well timed' in the view of those who have not suffered unduly from the disease of segregation. . . . We must come to see, with one of our distinguished jurists, that 'justice too long delayed is justice denied.' We have waited for more than 340 years for our constitutional and God-given rights. The nations of Asia and Africa are moving with jetlike speed toward gaining political independence, but we still creep at horse-and-buggy pace toward gaining a cup of coffee at a lunch counter."
Martin Luther King, Jr., African American leader, "Letter from Birmingham Jail," 1963

"The White man knows that the Black revolution is worldwide. . . . So I cite these various revolutions, brothers and sisters, to show you that you don't have a peaceful revolution. You don't have a turn-the-other-cheek revolution. There's no such thing as a nonviolent revolution. The only kind of revolution that's nonviolent is the Negro revolution. The only revolution in which the goal is loving your enemy is the Negro revolution. It's the only revolution in which the goal is a desegregated lunch counter, a desegregated theater, a desegregated park, and a desegregated public toilet.... That's no revolution. Revolution is based on land.... Land is the basis of freedom, justice, and equality. . . . A revolutionary wants land so he can set up his own nation, an independent nation."
Malcolm X, African American leader, "Message to the Grass Roots," 1963
Martin Luther King, Jr., and Malcolm X shared the view that
A
the movement for Black advancement in the United States was part of a global process of social change
B
it was desirable to work for the desegregation of public facilities
C
violence was a necessary part of the movement for Black social and political advancement
D
using the courts to challenge the constitutionality of barriers to Black advancement was not a useful strategy

"We know through painful experience that freedom is never voluntarily given by the oppressor; it must be demanded by the oppressed. Frankly, I have yet to engage in a direct-action campaign that was 'well timed' in the view of those who have not suffered unduly from the disease of segregation. . . . We must come to see, with one of our distinguished jurists, that 'justice too long delayed is justice denied.' We have waited for more than 340 years for our constitutional and God-given rights. The nations of Asia and Africa are moving with jetlike speed toward gaining political independence, but we still creep at horse-and-buggy pace toward gaining a cup of coffee at a lunch counter."
Martin Luther King, Jr., African American leader, "Letter from Birmingham Jail," 1963

"The White man knows that the Black revolution is worldwide. . . . So I cite these various revolutions, brothers and sisters, to show you that you don't have a peaceful revolution. You don't have a turn-the-other-cheek revolution. There's no such thing as a nonviolent revolution. The only kind of revolution that's nonviolent is the Negro revolution. The only revolution in which the goal is loving your enemy is the Negro revolution. It's the only revolution in which the goal is a desegregated lunch counter, a desegregated theater, a desegregated park, and a desegregated public toilet.... That's no revolution. Revolution is based on land.... Land is the basis of freedom, justice, and equality. . . . A revolutionary wants land so he can set up his own nation, an independent nation."
Malcolm X, African American leader, "Message to the Grass Roots," 1963
Malcolm X's statement suggests that he strongly agreed with
A
radical leftist movements
B
conservation movements
C
the youth counterculture
D
the sexual revolution

"We know through painful experience that freedom is never voluntarily given by the oppressor; it must be demanded by the oppressed. Frankly, I have yet to engage in a direct-action campaign that was 'well timed' in the view of those who have not suffered unduly from the disease of segregation. . . . We must come to see, with one of our distinguished jurists, that 'justice too long delayed is justice denied.' We have waited for more than 340 years for our constitutional and God-given rights. The nations of Asia and Africa are moving with jetlike speed toward gaining political independence, but we still creep at horse-and-buggy pace toward gaining a cup of coffee at a lunch counter."
Martin Luther King, Jr., African American leader, "Letter from Birmingham Jail," 1963

"The White man knows that the Black revolution is worldwide. . . . So I cite these various revolutions, brothers and sisters, to show you that you don't have a peaceful revolution. You don't have a turn-the-other-cheek revolution. There's no such thing as a nonviolent revolution. The only kind of revolution that's nonviolent is the Negro revolution. The only revolution in which the goal is loving your enemy is the Negro revolution. It's the only revolution in which the goal is a desegregated lunch counter, a desegregated theater, a desegregated park, and a desegregated public toilet.... That's no revolution. Revolution is based on land.... Land is the basis of freedom, justice, and equality. . . . A revolutionary wants land so he can set up his own nation, an independent nation."
Malcolm X, African American leader, "Message to the Grass Roots," 1963
At the time the excerpts were written, Martin Luther King, Jr., disagreed with Malcolm X in that King believed that
A
confrontation would be an effective means of achieving change
B
the most desirable outcome of Civil Rights activism would be equal rights and racial integration
C
Civil Rights activism has its roots in earlier historical patterns
D
moderation and conciliation would hamper African Americans from gaining civil rights

"[W]e must, by means of a rapid and sustained build-up of the political, economic, and military strength of the free world, and by means of an affirmative program intended to wrest the initiative from the Soviet Union, confront it with convincing evidence of the determination and ability of the free world to frustrate the Kremlin design of a world dominated by its will. Such evidence is the only means short of war which eventually may force the Kremlin to abandon its present course of action and to negotiate acceptable agreements on issues of major importance.
"The whole success of the proposed program hangs ultimately on recognition by this Government, the American people, and all free peoples, that the cold war is in fact a real war in which the survival of the free world is at stake.... The prosecution of the program will require of us all the ingenuity, sacrifice, and unity demanded by the vital importance of the issue and the tenacity to persevere until our national objectives have been attained."
NSC-68: United States Objectives and Programs for National Security, 1950
The policies expressed in the excerpt contributed most directly to debates in the United States about the
A
response to decolonization
B
role of the president in setting foreign policy
C
best means to combat communism
D
mass mobilization of civilian resources

"[W]e must, by means of a rapid and sustained build-up of the political, economic, and military strength of the free world, and by means of an affirmative program intended to wrest the initiative from the Soviet Union, confront it with convincing evidence of the determination and ability of the free world to frustrate the Kremlin design of a world dominated by its will. Such evidence is the only means short of war which eventually may force the Kremlin to abandon its present course of action and to negotiate acceptable agreements on issues of major importance.
"The whole success of the proposed program hangs ultimately on recognition by this Government, the American people, and all free peoples, that the cold war is in fact a real war in which the survival of the free world is at stake.... The prosecution of the program will require of us all the ingenuity, sacrifice, and unity demanded by the vital importance of the issue and the tenacity to persevere until our national objectives have been attained."
NSC-68: United States Objectives and Programs for National Security, 1950
Which of the following United States actions most directly resulted from the goals expressed in the excerpt?
A
Passage of new immigration laws
B
Intervention in the conflict in Korea
C
Application of federal power to try to end poverty
D
Investigations to find communist subversives in government jobs

"[W]e must, by means of a rapid and sustained build-up of the political, economic, and military strength of the free world, and by means of an affirmative program intended to wrest the initiative from the Soviet Union, confront it with convincing evidence of the determination and ability of the free world to frustrate the Kremlin design of a world dominated by its will. Such evidence is the only means short of war which eventually may force the Kremlin to abandon its present course of action and to negotiate acceptable agreements on issues of major importance.
"The whole success of the proposed program hangs ultimately on recognition by this Government, the American people, and all free peoples, that the cold war is in fact a real war in which the survival of the free world is at stake.... The prosecution of the program will require of us all the ingenuity, sacrifice, and unity demanded by the vital importance of the issue and the tenacity to persevere until our national objectives have been attained."
NSC-68: United States Objectives and Programs for National Security, 1950
The excerpt most directly reflects the United States efforts to
A
build an international security system
B
maintain an isolationist position
C
acquire new territories
D
gain access to Eastern European markets

"We are the people of this generation, bred in at least modest comfort, housed now in universities, looking uncomfortably to the world we inherit.
"When we were kids, the United States was the wealthiest and strongest country in the world; the only one with the atom bomb, the least scarred by modern war, an initiator of the United Nations....
"As we grew, however, our comfort was penetrated by events too troubling to dismiss....
"The conventional moral terms of the age, the politician moralities—'free world,' 'people's democracies' reflect realities poorly, if at all, and seem to function more as ruling myths than as descriptive principles....
"The bridge to political power, though, will be built through genuine cooperation, locally, nationally, and internationally, between a new left of young people, and an awakening community of allies."
Students for a Democratic Society (SDS), Port Huron Statement, 1962
What did SDS have most in common with the youth counterculture of the 1960s?
A
A rejection of many of the values of their parents' generation
B
A commitment to reforming society through direct political action
C
A desire to remove themselves from mainstream society and experiment with drugs
D
A determination to establish gender equality throughout the United States

"We are the people of this generation, bred in at least modest comfort, housed now in universities, looking uncomfortably to the world we inherit.
"When we were kids, the United States was the wealthiest and strongest country in the world; the only one with the atom bomb, the least scarred by modern war, an initiator of the United Nations....
"As we grew, however, our comfort was penetrated by events too troubling to dismiss....
"The conventional moral terms of the age, the politician moralities—'free world,' 'people's democracies' reflect realities poorly, if at all, and seem to function more as ruling myths than as descriptive principles....
"The bridge to political power, though, will be built through genuine cooperation, locally, nationally, and internationally, between a new left of young people, and an awakening community of allies."
Students for a Democratic Society (SDS), Port Huron Statement, 1962
Which of the following post-1945 developments contributed most strongly to the discomfort that members of SDS felt?
A
The efforts of Congress to adopt legislation to deal with domestic social problems
B
The disillusionment with United States domestic values and Cold War events
C
The Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka decision on school desegregation
D
The support for collective security through international organizations

"We are the people of this generation, bred in at least modest comfort, housed now in universities, looking uncomfortably to the world we inherit.
"When we were kids, the United States was the wealthiest and strongest country in the world; the only one with the atom bomb, the least scarred by modern war, an initiator of the United Nations....
"As we grew, however, our comfort was penetrated by events too troubling to dismiss....
"The conventional moral terms of the age, the politician moralities—'free world,' 'people's democracies' reflect realities poorly, if at all, and seem to function more as ruling myths than as descriptive principles....
"The bridge to political power, though, will be built through genuine cooperation, locally, nationally, and internationally, between a new left of young people, and an awakening community of allies."
Students for a Democratic Society (SDS), Port Huron Statement, 1962
SDS best exemplifies which of the following?
A
The success of the Civil Rights movement in achieving greater racial integration
B
The development of new concerns about environmental pollution and the overuse of natural resources
C
The increased influence of conservatives who opposed expansive social welfare policies and higher taxes
D
The emergence of radical groups claiming that liberals were doing too little to address racial and economic inequality

"[The Organization men] are not the workers, nor are they the white-collar people in the usual, clerk sense of the word. These people only work for The Organization. . . . They are the ones of our middle class who have left home . . . to take the vows of organization life, and it is they who are the mind and soul of our great self-perpetuating institutions. . . .
"America has paid much attention to the economic and political consequences of big organization—the concentration of power in large corporations, for example, [or] the political power of the civil-service bureaucracies. . . . No less important is the personal impact that organization life has had on the individuals within it. . . .
"The pressures of the group, the frustrations of individual creativity, the anonymity of achievement: are these defects to struggle against . . . ?
"Precisely because it is the age of organization, it is the other side of the coin that needs emphasis. We do need to know how to cooperate with The Organization but, more than ever, so do we need to know how to resist it. . . .
"If [the Organization man] goes against the group, is he being courageous—or just stubborn? Helpful—or selfish? Is he, as he so often wonders, right after all? It is in the resolution of a multitude of such dilemmas, I submit, that the real issue of individualism lies today"
William H. Whyte, The Organization Man, 1956
Whyte's concern in the excerpt for "the pressures of the group, the frustrations of individual creativity" best provides evidence for which of the following developments in the 1950s?
A
The emphasis on conformity in suburban communities
B
The expansion of higher education opportunities for war veterans
C
The creation of international alliances to oppose Soviet expansion
D
The investigations of supposed communists in the federal government

"[The Organization men] are not the workers, nor are they the white-collar people in the usual, clerk sense of the word. These people only work for The Organization. . . . They are the ones of our middle class who have left home . . . to take the vows of organization life, and it is they who are the mind and soul of our great self-perpetuating institutions. . . .
"America has paid much attention to the economic and political consequences of big organization—the concentration of power in large corporations, for example, [or] the political power of the civil-service bureaucracies. . . . No less important is the personal impact that organization life has had on the individuals within it. . . .
"The pressures of the group, the frustrations of individual creativity, the anonymity of achievement: are these defects to struggle against . . . ?
"Precisely because it is the age of organization, it is the other side of the coin that needs emphasis. We do need to know how to cooperate with The Organization but, more than ever, so do we need to know how to resist it. . . .
"If [the Organization man] goes against the group, is he being courageous—or just stubborn? Helpful—or selfish? Is he, as he so often wonders, right after all? It is in the resolution of a multitude of such dilemmas, I submit, that the real issue of individualism lies today"
William H. Whyte, The Organization Man, 1956
Whyte's discussion about the "issue of individualism" best serves as evidence for the responses to which of following situations in the 1950s?
A
The protests of civil rights activists against segregation
B
The rejection of mass culture by some artists and intellectuals
C
The refusal of some military draftees to serve in the Vietnam War
D
The opposition of a new conservative movement to postwar liberalism

Which of the following best explains how this photograph from the Second World War?

Which of the following best explains a result of the Seven Years War French and Indian War?

Which of the following factors is most typically used to explain why the Cold War ended?

Which of the following best describes the overarching goals of the Populist Party in the late nineteenth century?