Which of the following is Piagets stage of moral development in which children understand that sometimes rules can be changed by social agreement quizlet?

Trustworthiness, which includes honesty, integrity, reliability, and loyalty

Respect, which includes treating others with dignity, civility, courtesy, and tolerance

Responsibility, which assumes that one is accountable for one's actions, perseveres, is diligent, and shows self-restraint

Fairness, which involves following due process, being impartial, and refusing to take unfair advantage of others

Caring, or the concern for others' welfare

Citizenship, or giving to the community and obeying its rules

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Terms in this set (596)

high IQ, good parenting, parental knowledge of development, stimulation, optimistic, effective school, initial attachment, community, parent employment, ethinic identity, and participation in programs.

high IQ, good parenting, parental knowledge of development, stimulation, optimistic, effective school, initial attachment, community, parent employment, ethinic identity, and participation in programs.

Sets with similar terms

a disorder that involves severe antisocial and aggressive behaviors that inflict pain on others or involve destruction of property or denial of the rights of others.

includes more severe antisocial and aggressive behaviors that inflict pain on others (e.g., bullying, initiating fights, cruelty to animals) or that involve the destruction of property or the violation of the rights of others (e.g., stealing, robberies). Other diagnostic signs of CD include frequently running away from home, staying out all night before age 13 despite parental prohibitions, or being truant from school beginning prior to age 13. To warrant a diagnosis of ODD or CD, children must exhibit multiple persistent symptoms that are clearly impairing their social relationships and school performance, distinguishing them from children who display the designated behaviors on an infrequent or inconsistent basis (American Psychiatric Association, 2013).

The most recent prevalence data from a national survey indicate that 7.4% of children aged 3 to 17 years have either ODD or CD (Ghandour et al., 2019). Unfortunately, only 54% of children diagnosed with these disorders receive mental health treatment (Ghandour et al., 2019). Children and adolescents with CD often, but not always, develop ODD first (Loeber & Burke, 2011). In many instances, youth with ODD or CD also have been diagnosed with other disorders such as anxiety disorder or attention-deficit hyperactivity disorder (about half of youth with ODD or CD also have attention-deficit hyperactivity disorder) (Hinshaw & Lee, 2003). When a child is diagnosed with two distinct mental disorders, the disorders are said to be comorbid.

an internal regulatory mechanism that increases an individual's ability to conform to standards of conduct accepted in their culture.

Conscience restrains antisocial behavior or destructive impulses and promotes a child's compliance with adults' rules and standards, even when no one is monitoring the child's behavior (Kochanska, 2002). Conscience can also promote prosocial behavior by causing the child to feel guilty when engaging in uncaring behavior or failing to live up to internalized values about helping others (Eisenberg, 2000; Hoffman, 1982).

Because conscience is tied to cultural standards about right or wrong, psychologists long thought that morality was completely learned (i.e., nurture) and not at all innate (i.e., nature). However, recent evidence from studies with infants suggests that humans may have an innate drive to prefer actions that help others over ones that hinder them. In a study with 10-month-olds, a puppet in the shape of a red circle was shown on its own trying, but failing, to "climb" a hill. In one condition, a yellow triangle puppet (the "helper") appears and pushes the red circle up the hill. In a second condition, a blue square (the "hinderer") appears and pushes the red circle back down the hill (see Figure 14.4). When later shown the red circle approaching either the helper or the hinderer, the 10-month-olds showed more surprise when the red circle approached the hinderer, indicating that they expected the red circle to prefer the puppet that helped the circle rather than the one that hindered it.

aggression motivated by the desire to obtain a concrete goal.

that is, aggression motivated by the desire to obtain a concrete goal, such as gaining possession of a toy or getting a better place in line. Preschool children sometimes also use relational aggression (Crick, Casas, & Mosher, 1997), which, as explained in Chapter 13, is intended to harm others by damaging their peer relationships. Among preschoolers, this typically involves excluding peers from a play activity or a social group (Underwood, 2003). This relational aggression has been linked to theory of mind skills, particularly for children with low levels of prosocial skills (see Chapter 7 for more details on theory of mind). For instance, a longitudinal study of young children in Canada demonstrated that theory of mind skills at age 5 predicted levels of relational aggression 1 year later, but only for children who were rated as low to average on prosocial behavior (Renouf et al., 2010).

The drop in physical aggression in the preschool years is likely due not only to children's increasing ability to use verbal and relational aggression but also their developing ability to use language to resolve or pursue conflicts and to control their own emotions and actions (Coie & Dodge, 1998). Overt physical aggression continues to remain low or to decline in frequency for most children during elementary school, although a relatively small number of children—most of them boys (Moffitt & Caspi, 2001; NICHD Early Child Care Research Network, 2004)—develop frequent and serious problems with aggression and antisocial behavior at this age (Campbell et al., 2010; Shaw et al., 2003) or in early adolescence (Xie, Drabick, & Chen, 2011). Whereas aggression in young children is usually instrumental (goal directed), aggression in elementary school children often is hostile, arising from the desire to hurt another person, or is motivated by the need to protect oneself against a perceived threat to self-esteem (Dodge, 1980; Hartup, 1974).

an area of social knowledge based on concepts of right and wrong, fairness, justice, and individual rights; these concepts apply across contexts and supersede rules or authority.

in which children understand that the universal concepts of right and wrong, fairness, justice, and individual rights apply across contexts and supersede rules or authority (Smetana & Jambon, 2018). Knowing that it is not acceptable to steal another child's toy would fall under the moral domain. Parents play an important role in this domain by teaching children how and why to cooperate with, take the perspective of, and help other children and adults (Dunn, 2014).

an area of social knowledge that pertains to actions in which individual preferences are the main consideration; there are no right or wrong choices.

the third domain of social knowledge, pertains to actions in which individual preferences are the main consideration; there are no right or wrong choices. This domain covers decisions children might make about their appearance, how they spend their money, and their choice of friends. Decisions children make in this domain are central to the development of their sense of autonomy as well as their identity. (See Chapter 11 for a more detailed discussion of identity development.)

Support for the social domain theory has been growing over the past two decades. Children aged 4 to 9 years consistently rate moral transgressions, such as hitting, teasing, or unfairly distributing resources (e.g., crayons), as morally wrong, even when the transgression is perpetrated against a bully (Smetana & Ball, 2019). From an early age, children distinguish between moral and societal transgressions. By age 3, children generally believe that violations of moral rules are more wrong than violations of societal conventions. By age 4, they believe that moral transgressions, but not societal transgressions, are wrong even if an adult does not know about them or even if adult authorities have not said they are wrong (Smetana & Braeges, 1990).

emotionally driven, antagonistic aggression sparked by one's perception that other people's motives are hostile.

are particularly likely to perceive others' motives as hostile (Crick & Dodge, 1996), to initially generate aggressive responses to provocation, and to evaluate their responses as morally acceptable (Arsenio, Adams, & Gold, 2009; Dodge et al., 1997). In contrast, children who are prone to proactive aggression—which, like instrumental aggression, is aimed at fulfilling a need or desire—tend to anticipate more positive social consequences for aggression (Arsenio et al., 2009; Crick & Dodge, 1996; Dodge et al., 1997; Sijtsema et al., 2009).

a strategy for promoting positive youth development that integrates school-based instruction with community involvement in order to promote civic responsibility and enhance learning.
Service-learning programs promote positive behaviors by giving students opportunities to design and develop service projects, engage with their communities, and reflect on the benefits of their experiences, both for themselves and for the community (Chung & McBride, 2015). Participation in these activities can increase students' empathy for the needs of others, awareness of larger social issues, ability to participate in a cooperative activity, and capacity for making responsible decisions (Chung & McBride, 2015).

Dozens of research studies have examined whether service learning succeeds in promoting positive youth development. A review of 62 such studies concluded that service-learning programs at the elementary school through college levels had positive effects on youths' feelings of self-esteem and self-efficacy, attitudes toward school, civic engagement, social skills, and academic achievement (Celio et al., 2011). Students who participate in service learning also have higher grade point averages, fewer behavior problems, and greater civic knowledge than students who do not participate in service learning (Schmidt, Shumow, & Kackar, 2007).

is most characteristic of children who have not achieved Piaget's stage of concrete operations—that is, children younger than 7 years who are in the preoperational stage (see Chapter 4). In response to the vignette above, these children would judge that the child who broke 15 cups was naughtier. This response is in contrast to the response of older children, who said that the child who was trying to pilfer jam was naughtier, even though he broke only one cup. Children in the heteronomous morality stage regard rules and duties to others as unchangeable "givens." In their view, justice is whatever authorities (adults, rules, or laws) say is right, and authorities' punishments for noncompliance are always justified. In this stage, children believe that what determines whether an action is good or bad are the consequences of the action, not the motives or intentions behind it.

Piaget suggested that young children's belief that rules are unchangeable is due to two factors, one social and one cognitive. First, Piaget argued that parental control of children is coercive and unilateral, leading to children's unquestioning respect for rules set by adults. Second, children's cognitive immaturity causes them to believe that rules are "real" things, like chairs or gravity, that exist outside people and are not products of the human mind.

After this first stage, children enter a transition period in which interactions with their peers lead them to develop the ability to take one another's perspective and to develop beliefs about fairness. At around ages 11 or 12, children enter Piaget's second stage of autonomous morality. Piaget believed that children at this stage no longer accept blind obedience to authority as the basis of moral decisions. They fully understand that rules are the product of social agreement and can be changed if the majority of a group agrees to do so. In addition, they consider fairness and equality among people as important factors to consider when constructing rules. Children at this stage believe that punishments should "fit the crime" and that adults are not always fair in how they deliver punishment. They also consider individuals' motives and intentions when evaluating their behavior; thus, they view breaking one cup while trying to pilfer jam (as was done by Henry in the earlier vignette) as worse than accidentally breaking 15 cups (as was done by John in the vignette).

Postconventional moral reasoning is centered on ideals. A child at this level focuses on moral principles.

Stage 5: Social Contract or Individual Rights Orientation. At Stage 5, moral behavior involves upholding rules that are in the best interest of the group ("the greatest good for the greatest number"), are impartial, or were mutually agreed upon by the group. An individual at this stage might reason that if society agrees that a law is not benefiting everyone, that law should be changed.

Stage 6: Universal Ethical Principles. Moral behavior in Stage 6 is commitment to self-chosen ethical principles that reflect universal principles, such as life, liberty, basic human rights, and the dignity of each human being. Moral reasoning at this stage would assert that these principles must be upheld in any society, regardless of majority opinion. When laws violate these principles, the individual should act in accordance with these universal principles rather than with the law. It is worth noting that so few people ever attained Stage 6 of the postconventional level that Kohlberg (1978) eventually stopped scoring it as a separate stage, and many theorists consider it an elaboration of Stage 5 (Lapsley, 2006).

Kohlberg argued that people in all parts of the world move through his stages in the same order, although they differ in how quickly and how far they progress. As in Piaget's theory, age-related advances in cognitive skills, especially perspective taking, are believed to underlie the development of higher-level moral reasoning. Consistent with Kohlberg's theory, people who have higher-level cognitive and perspective-taking skills exhibit higher-level moral reasoning (Colby et al., 1983; Mason & Gibbs, 1993; Rest, 1983).

is another form of prosocial behavior, one that may be driven by sympathy but may also be driven by a child's sense of fairness. In a laboratory experiment, children as young as 14 months of age were able to cooperate with another child or an adult to reach a goal that would benefit them both, such as getting prizes (Warneken & Tomasello, 2007). In a display of a different type of cooperation, children also tended to divide prizes evenly if they were initially given to the children unevenly (Tomasello & Vaish, 2013). In contrast, when researchers repeated this division task with chimpanzees, the chimps' interactions were characterized by competition rather than cooperation. This finding lends support to the idea that cooperative prosocial behavior may have evolved especially in humans (Tomasello & Vaish, 2013).

As children age through middle childhood and into adolescence, their increasingly higher levels of moral reasoning and of their perspective-taking ability lead to accompanying increases in how often they engage in prosocial behaviors such as helping, sharing, and donating (Knafo et al., 2008; Luengo Kanacri et al., 2013; Nantel-Vivier et al., 2009).