Which of the following most directly contributed to the territorial gains shown in the image?

The Treaty of Paris, 1763
. . .His Most Christian Majesty renounces all pretensions which he has heretofore formed or might have formed to Nova Scotia or Acadia in all its parts, and guaranties the whole of it, and with all its dependencies, to the King of Great Britain: Moreover, his Most Christian Majesty cedes and guaranties to his said Britannick Majesty, in full right, Canada, with all its dependencies, as well as the island of Cape Breton, and all the other islands and coasts in the gulph and river of St. Lawrence, and in general, every thing that depends on the said countries, lands, islands, and coasts, with the sovereignty, property, possession, and all rights acquired by treaty, or otherwise, which the Most Christian King and the Crown of France have had till now over the said countries, lands, islands, places, coasts, and their inhabitants, so that the Most Christian King cedes and makes over the whole to the said King, and to the Crown of Great Britain . . .

The proximate cause of the French and Indian War 1754-1763 was

The Treaty of Paris, 1763
. . .His Most Christian Majesty renounces all pretensions which he has heretofore formed or might have formed to Nova Scotia or Acadia in all its parts, and guaranties the whole of it, and with all its dependencies, to the King of Great Britain: Moreover, his Most Christian Majesty cedes and guaranties to his said Britannick Majesty, in full right, Canada, with all its dependencies, as well as the island of Cape Breton, and all the other islands and coasts in the gulph and river of St. Lawrence, and in general, every thing that depends on the said countries, lands, islands, and coasts, with the sovereignty, property, possession, and all rights acquired by treaty, or otherwise, which the Most Christian King and the Crown of France have had till now over the said countries, lands, islands, places, coasts, and their inhabitants, so that the Most Christian King cedes and makes over the whole to the said King, and to the Crown of Great Britain . . .

British frustration with the American colonies during the French and Indian War cited all of the following factors EXCEPT.

The Treaty of Paris, 1763
. . .His Most Christian Majesty renounces all pretensions which he has heretofore formed or might have formed to Nova Scotia or Acadia in all its parts, and guaranties the whole of it, and with all its dependencies, to the King of Great Britain: Moreover, his Most Christian Majesty cedes and guaranties to his said Britannick Majesty, in full right, Canada, with all its dependencies, as well as the island of Cape Breton, and all the other islands and coasts in the gulph and river of St. Lawrence, and in general, every thing that depends on the said countries, lands, islands, and coasts, with the sovereignty, property, possession, and all rights acquired by treaty, or otherwise, which the Most Christian King and the Crown of France have had till now over the said countries, lands, islands, places, coasts, and their inhabitants, so that the Most Christian King cedes and makes over the whole to the said King, and to the Crown of Great Britain . . .

Given the following outcomes of the French and Indian War, which one most closely triggered events leading to an American Revolution?

The Treaty of Paris, 1763
. . .His Most Christian Majesty renounces all pretensions which he has heretofore formed or might have formed to Nova Scotia or Acadia in all its parts, and guaranties the whole of it, and with all its dependencies, to the King of Great Britain: Moreover, his Most Christian Majesty cedes and guaranties to his said Britannick Majesty, in full right, Canada, with all its dependencies, as well as the island of Cape Breton, and all the other islands and coasts in the gulph and river of St. Lawrence, and in general, every thing that depends on the said countries, lands, islands, and coasts, with the sovereignty, property, possession, and all rights acquired by treaty, or otherwise, which the Most Christian King and the Crown of France have had till now over the said countries, lands, islands, places, coasts, and their inhabitants, so that the Most Christian King cedes and makes over the whole to the said King, and to the Crown of Great Britain . . .

Which act of Parliament confirmed colonial suspicions about the Proclamation Act of 1763 and increased anger towards the British government?

Chief Pontiac Addressing Ottawa, Huron, and Potawatomie Tribes, May 5, 1763
It is important for us, my brothers, that we exterminate from our lands this nation which seeks only to destroy us. You see as well as I that we can no longer supply our needs, as we have done, from our brothers, the French. The English sell us goods twice as dear as the French do and their goods do not last. . .. I go to the English commander and... ask anything for our sick, he refuses with the reply that he has no use for us...you can well see that they are seeking our ruin. Therefore, my brothers, we must all swear their destruction and wait no longer. Nothing prevents us; they are few in numbers, and we can accomplish it. All the nations who are our brothers attack them, - why should we not attack? Are we not men like them?

The fond sentiments expressed by Chief Pontiac of the Ottawa tribe toward the French were undoubtedly influenced by all of the following behaviors EXCEPT

Chief Pontiac Addressing Ottawa, Huron, and Potawatomie Tribes, May 5, 1763
It is important for us, my brothers, that we exterminate from our lands this nation which seeks only to destroy us. You see as well as I that we can no longer supply our needs, as we have done, from our brothers, the French. The English sell us goods twice as dear as the French do and their goods do not last. . .. I go to the English commander and... ask anything for our sick, he refuses with the reply that he has no use for us...you can well see that they are seeking our ruin. Therefore, my brothers, we must all swear their destruction and wait no longer. Nothing prevents us; they are few in numbers, and we can accomplish it. All the nations who are our brothers attack them, - why should we not attack? Are we not men like them?

Of the following British actions in the Ohio River Valley, which was the greatest threat to Native tribes?

Chief Pontiac Addressing Ottawa, Huron, and Potawatomie Tribes, May 5, 1763
It is important for us, my brothers, that we exterminate from our lands this nation which seeks only to destroy us. You see as well as I that we can no longer supply our needs, as we have done, from our brothers, the French. The English sell us goods twice as dear as the French do and their goods do not last. . .. I go to the English commander and... ask anything for our sick, he refuses with the reply that he has no use for us...you can well see that they are seeking our ruin. Therefore, my brothers, we must all swear their destruction and wait no longer. Nothing prevents us; they are few in numbers, and we can accomplish it. All the nations who are our brothers attack them, - why should we not attack? Are we not men like them?

The saga of Pontiac's Rebellion resembles most closely the struggle carried out by

George Washington to Robert Orme
It is true Sir, that I have . . . expressed an Inclination to serve the ensuing Campaigne as a Volunteer; and this inclination is not a little increased since it is likely to be conducted by a Gentleman of the General's Experience. But, besides this and the laudable desire I may have to serve (with my best abilities) my King & Country, I must be ingenuous enough to confess, that I am not a little biased by selfish considerations. To be plain, Sir, I wish earnestly to attain some knowledge of the Military Profession: and, believing a more favourable opportunity cannot offer, than to serve under a Gentleman of General Braddock's abilities and experience.
Washington, George. Letter to Robert Orme. 15 Mar. 1755. N.p.: n.p., n.d. N. pag. American Free Press. Web. 22 Aug. 2016.
Diary of Private Gibson Clough
September 30. Cold weather is coming on apace, which will make us look round about us and put [on] our winter clothing, and we shall stand in need of good liquors [in order] to keep our spirits on cold winter's days. And we, being here within stone walls, are not likely to get liquors or clothes at this time of the year; and though we be Englishmen born, we are debarred Englishmen's liberty. Therefore we now see what it is to be under martial law and to be with the [British] regulars, who are but little better than slaves to their officers. And when I get out of their [power] I shall take care of how I get in again.
[October] 31. And so now our time has come to an end according to enlistment, but we are not yet [allowed to go] home.
November 1. The regiment was ordered out . . . to hear what the colonel had to say to them as our time was out and we all swore that we would do no more duty here. So it was a day of much confusion with the regiment.

Which of the following best accounts for colonists' changing attitudes (portrayed in the above journal entries) toward the British Army?

George Washington to Robert Orme
It is true Sir, that I have . . . expressed an Inclination to serve the ensuing Campaigne as a Volunteer; and this inclination is not a little increased since it is likely to be conducted by a Gentleman of the General's Experience. But, besides this and the laudable desire I may have to serve (with my best abilities) my King & Country, I must be ingenuous enough to confess, that I am not a little biased by selfish considerations. To be plain, Sir, I wish earnestly to attain some knowledge of the Military Profession: and, believing a more favourable opportunity cannot offer, than to serve under a Gentleman of General Braddock's abilities and experience.
Washington, George. Letter to Robert Orme. 15 Mar. 1755. N.p.: n.p., n.d. N. pag. American Free Press. Web. 22 Aug. 2016.
Diary of Private Gibson Clough
September 30. Cold weather is coming on apace, which will make us look round about us and put [on] our winter clothing, and we shall stand in need of good liquors [in order] to keep our spirits on cold winter's days. And we, being here within stone walls, are not likely to get liquors or clothes at this time of the year; and though we be Englishmen born, we are debarred Englishmen's liberty. Therefore we now see what it is to be under martial law and to be with the [British] regulars, who are but little better than slaves to their officers. And when I get out of their [power] I shall take care of how I get in again.
[October] 31. And so now our time has come to an end according to enlistment, but we are not yet [allowed to go] home.
November 1. The regiment was ordered out . . . to hear what the colonel had to say to them as our time was out and we all swore that we would do no more duty here. So it was a day of much confusion with the regiment.

Which of the following was the MOST direct, proximate effect of the Seven Years' War?

George Washington to Robert Orme
It is true Sir, that I have . . . expressed an Inclination to serve the ensuing Campaigne as a Volunteer; and this inclination is not a little increased since it is likely to be conducted by a Gentleman of the General's Experience. But, besides this and the laudable desire I may have to serve (with my best abilities) my King & Country, I must be ingenuous enough to confess, that I am not a little biased by selfish considerations. To be plain, Sir, I wish earnestly to attain some knowledge of the Military Profession: and, believing a more favourable opportunity cannot offer, than to serve under a Gentleman of General Braddock's abilities and experience.
Washington, George. Letter to Robert Orme. 15 Mar. 1755. N.p.: n.p., n.d. N. pag. American Free Press. Web. 22 Aug. 2016.
Diary of Private Gibson Clough
September 30. Cold weather is coming on apace, which will make us look round about us and put [on] our winter clothing, and we shall stand in need of good liquors [in order] to keep our spirits on cold winter's days. And we, being here within stone walls, are not likely to get liquors or clothes at this time of the year; and though we be Englishmen born, we are debarred Englishmen's liberty. Therefore we now see what it is to be under martial law and to be with the [British] regulars, who are but little better than slaves to their officers. And when I get out of their [power] I shall take care of how I get in again.
[October] 31. And so now our time has come to an end according to enlistment, but we are not yet [allowed to go] home.
November 1. The regiment was ordered out . . . to hear what the colonel had to say to them as our time was out and we all swore that we would do no more duty here. So it was a day of much confusion with the regiment.

Based on the changing attitude evinced by these two journal entries, which of the following is the most accurate statement?

Declaration of Rights of the Stamp Act Congress, 1765
The members of this congress, sincerely devoted, with the warmest sentiments of affection and duty to His Majesty's person and government...esteem it our indispensable duty to make the following declarations, of our humble opinions, respecting the most essential rights and liberties of the colonists, and of the grievances under which they labor, by reason of several late acts of Parliament...That His Majesty's liege subjects in these colonies are entitled to all the inherent rights and privileges of his natural born subjects within the kingdom of Great Britain. That it is inseparably essential to the freedom of a people, and the undoubted rights of Englishmen, that no taxes should be imposed on them, but with their own consent, given personally, or by their representatives.

The concerns expressed in the excerpt above were in direct response to the

Declaration of Rights of the Stamp Act Congress, 1765
The members of this congress, sincerely devoted, with the warmest sentiments of affection and duty to His Majesty's person and government...esteem it our indispensable duty to make the following declarations, of our humble opinions, respecting the most essential rights and liberties of the colonists, and of the grievances under which they labor, by reason of several late acts of Parliament...That His Majesty's liege subjects in these colonies are entitled to all the inherent rights and privileges of his natural born subjects within the kingdom of Great Britain. That it is inseparably essential to the freedom of a people, and the undoubted rights of Englishmen, that no taxes should be imposed on them, but with their own consent, given personally, or by their representatives.

The ideas expressed in the excerpt above most directly challenge the British notion of

Declaration of Rights of the Stamp Act Congress, 1765
The members of this congress, sincerely devoted, with the warmest sentiments of affection and duty to His Majesty's person and government...esteem it our indispensable duty to make the following declarations, of our humble opinions, respecting the most essential rights and liberties of the colonists, and of the grievances under which they labor, by reason of several late acts of Parliament...That His Majesty's liege subjects in these colonies are entitled to all the inherent rights and privileges of his natural born subjects within the kingdom of Great Britain. That it is inseparably essential to the freedom of a people, and the undoubted rights of Englishmen, that no taxes should be imposed on them, but with their own consent, given personally, or by their representatives.

Which of the following events is similar to the kind of protest exhibited by the Stamp Act Congress?

It is the duty of the governed, to endeavour to rectify the mistake, and appease the passion. They have not at first any other right, than to represent their grievances, and to pray for redress, unless an emergence is so pressing, as not to allow time for receiving an answer to their applications which rarely happens. If their applications are disregarded, then that kind of position becomes justifiable, which can be made without breaking the laws, or disturbing the public peace. This consists in the prevention of the oppressors reaping advantage from their oppressions, and not in their punishment. For experience may teach them what reason did not; and harsh methods, cannot be proper, till milder ones have failed.
If at length it become undoubted, that an inveterate resolution is formed to annihilate the liberties of the governed, the English history affords frequent examples of resistance by force. What particular circumstances will in any future case justify such resistance, can never be ascertained till they happen. Perhaps it may be allowable to say, generally, that it never can be justifiable, until the people are FULLY CONVINCED, that any further sub-mission will be destructive to their happiness.
When the appeal is made to the sword, highly probable it is, that the punishment will exceed the offence; and the calamities attending on war out weigh those preceding it. These considerations of justice and prudence, will always have great influence with good and wise men.

The point of view of this excerpt is most likely a response which of the following?

It is the duty of the governed, to endeavour to rectify the mistake, and appease the passion. They have not at first any other right, than to represent their grievances, and to pray for redress, unless an emergence is so pressing, as not to allow time for receiving an answer to their applications which rarely happens. If their applications are disregarded, then that kind of position becomes justifiable, which can be made without breaking the laws, or disturbing the public peace. This consists in the prevention of the oppressors reaping advantage from their oppressions, and not in their punishment. For experience may teach them what reason did not; and harsh methods, cannot be proper, till milder ones have failed.
If at length it become undoubted, that an inveterate resolution is formed to annihilate the liberties of the governed, the English history affords frequent examples of resistance by force. What particular circumstances will in any future case justify such resistance, can never be ascertained till they happen. Perhaps it may be allowable to say, generally, that it never can be justifiable, until the people are FULLY CONVINCED, that any further sub-mission will be destructive to their happiness.
When the appeal is made to the sword, highly probable it is, that the punishment will exceed the offence; and the calamities attending on war out weigh those preceding it. These considerations of justice and prudence, will always have great influence with good and wise men.

The author of the article could best be characterized as

It is the duty of the governed, to endeavour to rectify the mistake, and appease the passion. They have not at first any other right, than to represent their grievances, and to pray for redress, unless an emergence is so pressing, as not to allow time for receiving an answer to their applications which rarely happens. If their applications are disregarded, then that kind of position becomes justifiable, which can be made without breaking the laws, or disturbing the public peace. This consists in the prevention of the oppressors reaping advantage from their oppressions, and not in their punishment. For experience may teach them what reason did not; and harsh methods, cannot be proper, till milder ones have failed.
If at length it become undoubted, that an inveterate resolution is formed to annihilate the liberties of the governed, the English history affords frequent examples of resistance by force. What particular circumstances will in any future case justify such resistance, can never be ascertained till they happen. Perhaps it may be allowable to say, generally, that it never can be justifiable, until the people are FULLY CONVINCED, that any further sub-mission will be destructive to their happiness.
When the appeal is made to the sword, highly probable it is, that the punishment will exceed the offence; and the calamities attending on war out weigh those preceding it. These considerations of justice and prudence, will always have great influence with good and wise men.

New complaints of colonists directed towards the Townshend Acts were most likely the result of which of the following?

It is the duty of the governed, to endeavour to rectify the mistake, and appease the passion. They have not at first any other right, than to represent their grievances, and to pray for redress, unless an emergence is so pressing, as not to allow time for receiving an answer to their applications which rarely happens. If their applications are disregarded, then that kind of position becomes justifiable, which can be made without breaking the laws, or disturbing the public peace. This consists in the prevention of the oppressors reaping advantage from their oppressions, and not in their punishment. For experience may teach them what reason did not; and harsh methods, cannot be proper, till milder ones have failed.
If at length it become undoubted, that an inveterate resolution is formed to annihilate the liberties of the governed, the English history affords frequent examples of resistance by force. What particular circumstances will in any future case justify such resistance, can never be ascertained till they happen. Perhaps it may be allowable to say, generally, that it never can be justifiable, until the people are FULLY CONVINCED, that any further sub-mission will be destructive to their happiness.
When the appeal is made to the sword, highly probable it is, that the punishment will exceed the offence; and the calamities attending on war out weigh those preceding it. These considerations of justice and prudence, will always have great influence with good and wise men.

The most primary cause of British policies that increased taxes in the 1760s was

It is the duty of the governed, to endeavour to rectify the mistake, and appease the passion. They have not at first any other right, than to represent their grievances, and to pray for redress, unless an emergence is so pressing, as not to allow time for receiving an answer to their applications which rarely happens. If their applications are disregarded, then that kind of position becomes justifiable, which can be made without breaking the laws, or disturbing the public peace. This consists in the prevention of the oppressors reaping advantage from their oppressions, and not in their punishment. For experience may teach them what reason did not; and harsh methods, cannot be proper, till milder ones have failed.
If at length it become undoubted, that an inveterate resolution is formed to annihilate the liberties of the governed, the English history affords frequent examples of resistance by force. What particular circumstances will in any future case justify such resistance, can never be ascertained till they happen. Perhaps it may be allowable to say, generally, that it never can be justifiable, until the people are FULLY CONVINCED, that any further sub-mission will be destructive to their happiness.
When the appeal is made to the sword, highly probable it is, that the punishment will exceed the offence; and the calamities attending on war out weigh those preceding it. These considerations of justice and prudence, will always have great influence with good and wise men.

During the same year this letter was written, all of the following forms of resistance had occurred EXCEPT

The Olive Branch Petition, 1775
Knowing to what violent resentments and incurable animosities civil discords are apt to exasperate and inflame contending parties, we think ourselves required by indispensable obligations to Almighty God, to your Majesty, to our fellow-subjects, immediately to use all the means in our power..for stopping the further effusion of blood, and for averting the impending calamities that threaten the British Empire...we solemnly assure your Majesty, that we not only most ardently desire the former harmony between her and these colonies may be restored, but that a concord may be established between them upon so firm a basis as to perpetuate its blessing, uninterrupted by any future dissensions, to succeeding generations in both countries...[the colonies] desire the former harmony between [the British government] and these colonies.

The Olive Branch Petition was written following

The Olive Branch Petition, 1775
Knowing to what violent resentments and incurable animosities civil discords are apt to exasperate and inflame contending parties, we think ourselves required by indispensable obligations to Almighty God, to your Majesty, to our fellow-subjects, immediately to use all the means in our power..for stopping the further effusion of blood, and for averting the impending calamities that threaten the British Empire...we solemnly assure your Majesty, that we not only most ardently desire the former harmony between her and these colonies may be restored, but that a concord may be established between them upon so firm a basis as to perpetuate its blessing, uninterrupted by any future dissensions, to succeeding generations in both countries...[the colonies] desire the former harmony between [the British government] and these colonies.

The Olive Branch Petition was an attempt to

The Olive Branch Petition, 1775
Knowing to what violent resentments and incurable animosities civil discords are apt to exasperate and inflame contending parties, we think ourselves required by indispensable obligations to Almighty God, to your Majesty, to our fellow-subjects, immediately to use all the means in our power..for stopping the further effusion of blood, and for averting the impending calamities that threaten the British Empire...we solemnly assure your Majesty, that we not only most ardently desire the former harmony between her and these colonies may be restored, but that a concord may be established between them upon so firm a basis as to perpetuate its blessing, uninterrupted by any future dissensions, to succeeding generations in both countries...[the colonies] desire the former harmony between [the British government] and these colonies.

What was the short term effect of the King's rejection of the Olive Branch petition?

The Olive Branch Petition, 1775
Knowing to what violent resentments and incurable animosities civil discords are apt to exasperate and inflame contending parties, we think ourselves required by indispensable obligations to Almighty God, to your Majesty, to our fellow-subjects, immediately to use all the means in our power..for stopping the further effusion of blood, and for averting the impending calamities that threaten the British Empire...we solemnly assure your Majesty, that we not only most ardently desire the former harmony between her and these colonies may be restored, but that a concord may be established between them upon so firm a basis as to perpetuate its blessing, uninterrupted by any future dissensions, to succeeding generations in both countries...[the colonies] desire the former harmony between [the British government] and these colonies.

A historian would most likely use this source to illustrate which of the following?

Two Treatises on Government
Sec. 89. Whereever therefore any number of Men are so united into one society, as to quit every one his executive power of the Law of Nature, and to resign it to the public, there and there only is a political, or civil society. And this is done, whereever any number of Men, in the state of Nature, enter into Society to make one People, one body politic, under one supreme Government; or else when any one joins himself to, and incorporates with any Government already made: for hereby he authorizes the Society, or which is all one, the legislative thereof, to make laws for him, as the public good of the Society shall require; to the execution whereof, his own assistance (as to his own Decrees) is due. And this puts men out of a state of Nature into that of a Commonwealth, by setting up a Judge on Earth, with Authority to determine all the controversies, and redress the injuries that may happen to any member of the Commonwealth; which judge is the Legislative, or Magistrates appointed by it. And whereever there are any number of Men, however associated, that have no such decisive power to appeal to, there they are still in the state of Nature.
Sec. 90. Hence it is evident, that absolute monarchy, which by some Men is counted the only Government in the World, is indeed inconsistent with civil Society, and so can be no form of Civil-Government at all...

Which of the following would best support the author's assertion regarding the relationship between people and government?

Two Treatises on Government
Sec. 89. Whereever therefore any number of Men are so united into one society, as to quit every one his executive power of the Law of Nature, and to resign it to the public, there and there only is a political, or civil society. And this is done, whereever any number of Men, in the state of Nature, enter into Society to make one People, one body politic, under one supreme Government; or else when any one joins himself to, and incorporates with any Government already made: for hereby he authorizes the Society, or which is all one, the legislative thereof, to make laws for him, as the public good of the Society shall require; to the execution whereof, his own assistance (as to his own Decrees) is due. And this puts men out of a state of Nature into that of a Commonwealth, by setting up a Judge on Earth, with Authority to determine all the controversies, and redress the injuries that may happen to any member of the Commonwealth; which judge is the Legislative, or Magistrates appointed by it. And whereever there are any number of Men, however associated, that have no such decisive power to appeal to, there they are still in the state of Nature.
Sec. 90. Hence it is evident, that absolute monarchy, which by some Men is counted the only Government in the World, is indeed inconsistent with civil Society, and so can be no form of Civil-Government at all...

The excerpt above from John Locke has the most in common with which of the following documents?

The Ideological Origins of the American Revolution
The intellectual history of the years of crisis from 1763 to 1776 is the story of the clarification and consolidation under the pressure of events of a view of the world and of America's place in it only partially seen before. Elements of this picture had long been present in the colonies - some dated from as far back as the settlements themselves - but they had existed in balance, as it were, with other, conflicting views. Expressed mainly on occasions of controversy, they had appeared most often as partisan arguments, without unique appeal, status, or claim to legitimacy. Then, in the intense political heat of the decade after 1763, these long popular, though hitherto inconclusive ideas about the world and America's place in it were fused into a comprehensive view, unique in its moral and intellectual appeal. It is the development of this view to the point of overwhelming persuasiveness to the majority of American leaders and the meaning this view gave to the events of the time, and not simply an accumulation of grievances, that explains the origins of the American Revolution. For this peculiar configuration of ideas constituted in effect an intellectual switchboard wired so that certain combinations of events would activate a distinct set of signals - danger signals, indicating hidden impulses and the likely trajectory of events impelled by them. Well before 1776 the signals registered on this switchboard led to a single, unmistakable conclusion - a conclusion that had long been feared and to which there could be only one rational response.

The best example of an intellectual output that generated a "comprehensive view" of "the world and America's place in it" and that helped spark the American Revolution was

The Ideological Origins of the American Revolution
The intellectual history of the years of crisis from 1763 to 1776 is the story of the clarification and consolidation under the pressure of events of a view of the world and of America's place in it only partially seen before. Elements of this picture had long been present in the colonies - some dated from as far back as the settlements themselves - but they had existed in balance, as it were, with other, conflicting views. Expressed mainly on occasions of controversy, they had appeared most often as partisan arguments, without unique appeal, status, or claim to legitimacy. Then, in the intense political heat of the decade after 1763, these long popular, though hitherto inconclusive ideas about the world and America's place in it were fused into a comprehensive view, unique in its moral and intellectual appeal. It is the development of this view to the point of overwhelming persuasiveness to the majority of American leaders and the meaning this view gave to the events of the time, and not simply an accumulation of grievances, that explains the origins of the American Revolution. For this peculiar configuration of ideas constituted in effect an intellectual switchboard wired so that certain combinations of events would activate a distinct set of signals - danger signals, indicating hidden impulses and the likely trajectory of events impelled by them. Well before 1776 the signals registered on this switchboard led to a single, unmistakable conclusion - a conclusion that had long been feared and to which there could be only one rational response.

Through what medium were the intellectual ideas that sparked the American Revolution most effectively and broadly circulated?

The Ideological Origins of the American Revolution
The intellectual history of the years of crisis from 1763 to 1776 is the story of the clarification and consolidation under the pressure of events of a view of the world and of America's place in it only partially seen before. Elements of this picture had long been present in the colonies - some dated from as far back as the settlements themselves - but they had existed in balance, as it were, with other, conflicting views. Expressed mainly on occasions of controversy, they had appeared most often as partisan arguments, without unique appeal, status, or claim to legitimacy. Then, in the intense political heat of the decade after 1763, these long popular, though hitherto inconclusive ideas about the world and America's place in it were fused into a comprehensive view, unique in its moral and intellectual appeal. It is the development of this view to the point of overwhelming persuasiveness to the majority of American leaders and the meaning this view gave to the events of the time, and not simply an accumulation of grievances, that explains the origins of the American Revolution. For this peculiar configuration of ideas constituted in effect an intellectual switchboard wired so that certain combinations of events would activate a distinct set of signals - danger signals, indicating hidden impulses and the likely trajectory of events impelled by them. Well before 1776 the signals registered on this switchboard led to a single, unmistakable conclusion - a conclusion that had long been feared and to which there could be only one rational response.

In the passage above, Bernard Bailyn suggests that elements of underdeveloped revolutionary thought "had long been present in the colonies - some dated from as far back as the settlements themselves." Which of the following events in the colonial period best exemplifies an early example of revolutionary behavior most akin to the American Revolution?

The Ideological Origins of the American Revolution
The intellectual history of the years of crisis from 1763 to 1776 is the story of the clarification and consolidation under the pressure of events of a view of the world and of America's place in it only partially seen before. Elements of this picture had long been present in the colonies - some dated from as far back as the settlements themselves - but they had existed in balance, as it were, with other, conflicting views. Expressed mainly on occasions of controversy, they had appeared most often as partisan arguments, without unique appeal, status, or claim to legitimacy. Then, in the intense political heat of the decade after 1763, these long popular, though hitherto inconclusive ideas about the world and America's place in it were fused into a comprehensive view, unique in its moral and intellectual appeal. It is the development of this view to the point of overwhelming persuasiveness to the majority of American leaders and the meaning this view gave to the events of the time, and not simply an accumulation of grievances, that explains the origins of the American Revolution. For this peculiar configuration of ideas constituted in effect an intellectual switchboard wired so that certain combinations of events would activate a distinct set of signals - danger signals, indicating hidden impulses and the likely trajectory of events impelled by them. Well before 1776 the signals registered on this switchboard led to a single, unmistakable conclusion - a conclusion that had long been feared and to which there could be only one rational response.

Bernard Bailyn argues in part that an "overwhelming persuasiveness" of popular, moral, and intellectual ideas led to the American Revolution. This is most similar to what later phenomenon in U.S. history?

Reverend Jonathan Mayhew, 1750
It is blasphemy to call tyrants and oppressors, God's ministers... No rulers are properly God's ministers, but such as are just, ruling in the fear of God. When once magistrates act contrary to their office, and the end of their institution; when they rob and ruin the public, instead of being guardians of its peace and welfare; they immediately cease to be the ordinance and ministers of God; and no more deserve that glorious character than common pirates and highwaymen... For a nation thus abused to arise unanimously, and to resist their prince, even to the dethroning him, is not criminal; but a reasonable way of vindicating their liberties and just rights.
Reverend Jonathan Mayhew, 1750

Which of the following historical developments BEST demonstrates the relationship between religion and politics depicted in this excerpt?

Alexander Hamilton, "The Farmer Refuted," February, 1775
Upon this law, depend the natural rights of mankind, the supreme being gave existence to man, together with the means of preserving and beatifying that existence. He endowed him with rational faculties, by the help of which, to discern and pursue such things, as were consistent with his duty and interest, and invested him with an inviolable right to personal liberty, and personal safety...If we examine the pretensions of parliament, by this criterion, which is evidently, a good one, we shall presently detect their injustice. First, they are subversive of our natural liberty, because an authority is assumed over us, which we by no means assent to. And secondly, they divest us of that moral security, for our lives and properties, which we are intitled to, and which it is the primary end of society to bestow. For such security can never exist, while we have no part in making the laws..."

The principles articulated in the passage demonstrate the influence of which of the following?

Alexander Hamilton, "The Farmer Refuted," February, 1775
Upon this law, depend the natural rights of mankind, the supreme being gave existence to man, together with the means of preserving and beatifying that existence. He endowed him with rational faculties, by the help of which, to discern and pursue such things, as were consistent with his duty and interest, and invested him with an inviolable right to personal liberty, and personal safety...If we examine the pretensions of parliament, by this criterion, which is evidently, a good one, we shall presently detect their injustice. First, they are subversive of our natural liberty, because an authority is assumed over us, which we by no means assent to. And secondly, they divest us of that moral security, for our lives and properties, which we are intitled to, and which it is the primary end of society to bestow. For such security can never exist, while we have no part in making the laws..."

The ideas in the passage were later echoed MOST directly in which of the following documents?

Alexander Hamilton, "The Farmer Refuted," February, 1775
Upon this law, depend the natural rights of mankind, the supreme being gave existence to man, together with the means of preserving and beatifying that existence. He endowed him with rational faculties, by the help of which, to discern and pursue such things, as were consistent with his duty and interest, and invested him with an inviolable right to personal liberty, and personal safety...If we examine the pretensions of parliament, by this criterion, which is evidently, a good one, we shall presently detect their injustice. First, they are subversive of our natural liberty, because an authority is assumed over us, which we by no means assent to. And secondly, they divest us of that moral security, for our lives and properties, which we are intitled to, and which it is the primary end of society to bestow. For such security can never exist, while we have no part in making the laws..."

Based on the principles stressed in the passage, which of the following colonial institutions would Hamilton MOST value?

Alexander Hamilton, "The Farmer Refuted," February, 1775
Upon this law, depend the natural rights of mankind, the supreme being gave existence to man, together with the means of preserving and beatifying that existence. He endowed him with rational faculties, by the help of which, to discern and pursue such things, as were consistent with his duty and interest, and invested him with an inviolable right to personal liberty, and personal safety...If we examine the pretensions of parliament, by this criterion, which is evidently, a good one, we shall presently detect their injustice. First, they are subversive of our natural liberty, because an authority is assumed over us, which we by no means assent to. And secondly, they divest us of that moral security, for our lives and properties, which we are intitled to, and which it is the primary end of society to bestow. For such security can never exist, while we have no part in making the laws..."

Which of the following aspects of the future U.S. Constitution most clearly represents an abuse of the principles Hamilton emphasizes in the essay?

Sets with similar terms

Which of the following is most directly linked to the proclamation line shown in the image?

Which of the following is most directly linked to the proclamation line shown in the image? The first attempt of imperial efforts to consolidate control over the colonies.

Which of the following most directly contributed to the major pattern depicted on the map quizlet?

Which of the following most directly contributed to the major pattern depicted on the map? Demand for crops produced in Americas.

Which of the following was a pieces of evidence Hamilton used to support his argument in the excerpt?

Which of the following was a piece of evidence Hamilton used to support his argument in the excerpt? Earlier attempts to form associations of states in Europe had failed.

Which of the following does the author use to support his argument about the power of the states under the Constitution?

Which of the following evidence is used by the author to support his argument about state independence? allowed states to ignore the requests of the central government.