Which of the following best describes a similarity between Wilentzs and the Edsalls arguments about political change in the 1980s?

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AP U.S. HistoryScoring GuideUnit 9 Progress Check: MCQCopyright © 2017. The College Board. These materials are part of a College Board program. Use or distribution of these materials online orin print beyond your school’s participation in the program is prohibited.Page 1 of 10“The Reagan era unfolded amid major social and political transitions in the United States. The traumaof President Kennedy’s assassination in 1963, followed by the foreshortened presidencies of LyndonJohnson and Richard Nixon, generated widespread public alienation from electoral politics andmainstream politicians. The disastrous war in Vietnam cracked open the bipartisan consensus overcontainment that had held during the cold war and badly divided Democrats against Democrats andRepublicans against Republicans, as well as against the opposing party.“. . . Reagan and his supporters, unlike the battered Democrats and the disgraced Republicanestablishment, gave the voters a compelling way to comprehend the disorienting and often dispiritingtrends of the 1970s—and to see those trends not as product of their own defects (as Reagan’sDemocratic predecessor, Jimmy Carter, came to imply) but as a consequence of bad leadership. WithReagan as its likeable, ever-optimistic standard-bearer and ultimate symbol, the Republican rightdelivered what sounded like straightforward, commonsense solutions to the nation’s ills: cut taxes, shrinkgovernment domestic spending, encourage private investment, and keep the military strong while aidingthose abroad who were fighting communist tyranny.”Sean Wilentz, historian, The Age of Reagan: A History, 1974–2008, published in 2008“Race and taxes, on their own, have changed the votes of millions of once-Democratic men and women.But it was the collision of race and taxes with two additional forces over the past twenty-five years thatcreated a chain reaction, a reaction forcing a realignment of the presidential electorate. These twoadditional forces were, first, the rights revolution demanding statutory and constitutional protections for,among others, criminal defendants, women, the poor, non-European ethnic minorities, students,homosexuals, prisoners, the handicapped, and the mentally ill; and, second, the rights-related reformmovement focusing on the right to guaranteed political representation that took root within theDemocratic party in the late 1960s and throughout the 1970s.“This chain reaction acted most powerfully on two key swing voter groups, the white, European ethnic,often Catholic, voters in the North, and the lower-income southern white populists. For as long as voterscast Democratic ballots, the liberal coalition thrived; when they did not, the liberal coalition collapsed.Throughout the 1970s and the 1980s, these key groups of voters, once the mainstay of the New Dealalliance, determined the viability of the conservative presidential majority. The collapse of the political leftand the ascendance of a hybrid conservative populism dominated by the affluent have had enormouspolicy consequences. . . .

Which of the following pieces of evidence would refute Postel's claim in the first paragraph of the excerpt about the ethos of modernity and progress and the populists?

Which of the following most directly contributed to the decision in Philadelphia?