Which of the following best describes a difference between Eisenhower and Kennedys arguments in the excerpts quizlet?

"Question: When is a dollar more than a dollar?
"Answer: When it's used in Levittown, the most perfectly planned community in America!
"Anybody can build a house and charge a lot of money for it. But it's news—big news—when you can find a house . . . to buy for only $8,990. It's a beauty with 3 and a half delightful rooms.
"PLUS professionally landscaped grounds. . . .
"PLUS a complete bath with a tub, toilet, shower, basin . . .
"PLUS . . . all-steel kitchen cabinets, a stainless steel sink . . .
"PLUS free use of Levittown's championship swimming pools,
"PLUS free use of all playgrounds, baseball fields, play areas. . . .
"So if you don't want to be disappointed, come out as soon as you can—today if possible."
Advertisement for Levitt and Sons housing development in Levittown, Pennsylvania, Philadelphia Inquirer, 1951
The advertisement best provides evidence for which of the following developments in the 1950s?

"We face a hostile ideology—global in scope, atheistic in character, ruthless in purpose, and insidious in method. . . . To meet it successfully, there is called for, not so much the emotional and transitory sacrifices of crisis, but rather . . . the burdens of a prolonged and complex struggle—with liberty the stake. . . .
"Until the latest of our world conflicts, the United States had no armaments industry. . . . We have been compelled to create a permanent armaments industry of vast proportions. Added to this, three and a half million men and women are directly engaged in the defense establishment. We annually spend on military security more than the net income of all United States corporations.
"This conjunction of an immense military establishment and a large arms industry is new in the American experience. . . . In the councils of government, we must guard against the acquisition of unwarranted influence, whether sought or unsought, by the military-industrial complex.
"We must never let the weight of this combination endanger our liberties or democratic processes. We should take nothing for granted. Only an alert and knowledgeable citizenry can compel the proper meshing of the huge industrial and military machinery of defense with our peaceful methods and goals, so that security and liberty may prosper together."
President Dwight Eisenhower, farewell address, 1961
"The implacable Communist drive for power takes many forms and works in many ways, but behind it all, behind every weapon that they have in their arsenal is one basic fact, and that is the military power of the Communist bloc, for it is here that the Communist advance and relative American decline can be most sharply seen. . . .
"The development in 1953 of a relatively small hydrogen warhead made missiles the key to future military power. The Soviet Union decided then to go all out in missile development. But here in the United States we cut back our funds for missile development. . . .
"For the harsh facts of the matter are that our relative military strength has not increased as fast as the Russians in ground forces, submarines, and missiles. . . .
". . . We must step up crash programs on the ultimate weapon: the Polaris submarine [and] the Minuteman missile, which will eventually close the missile gap."
"[And] we must rebuild our diplomatic corps. . . . When Guinea became independent . . . it took us 8 months to send an ambassador. [The Soviet Union] was there the day they got independence, and now Guinea support the Communist foreign policy."
Senator John F. Kennedy, presidential campaign speech, 1960
Which of the following was a similarity between Eisenhower's and Kennedy's arguments in the excerpts?

"We face a hostile ideology—global in scope, atheistic in character, ruthless in purpose, and insidious in method. . . . To meet it successfully, there is called for, not so much the emotional and transitory sacrifices of crisis, but rather . . . the burdens of a prolonged and complex struggle—with liberty the stake. . . .
"Until the latest of our world conflicts, the United States had no armaments industry. . . . We have been compelled to create a permanent armaments industry of vast proportions. Added to this, three and a half million men and women are directly engaged in the defense establishment. We annually spend on military security more than the net income of all United States corporations.
"This conjunction of an immense military establishment and a large arms industry is new in the American experience. . . . In the councils of government, we must guard against the acquisition of unwarranted influence, whether sought or unsought, by the military-industrial complex.
"We must never let the weight of this combination endanger our liberties or democratic processes. We should take nothing for granted. Only an alert and knowledgeable citizenry can compel the proper meshing of the huge industrial and military machinery of defense with our peaceful methods and goals, so that security and liberty may prosper together."
President Dwight Eisenhower, farewell address, 1961
"The implacable Communist drive for power takes many forms and works in many ways, but behind it all, behind every weapon that they have in their arsenal is one basic fact, and that is the military power of the Communist bloc, for it is here that the Communist advance and relative American decline can be most sharply seen. . . .
"The development in 1953 of a relatively small hydrogen warhead made missiles the key to future military power. The Soviet Union decided then to go all out in missile development. But here in the United States we cut back our funds for missile development. . . .
"For the harsh facts of the matter are that our relative military strength has not increased as fast as the Russians in ground forces, submarines, and missiles. . . .
". . . We must step up crash programs on the ultimate weapon: the Polaris submarine [and] the Minuteman missile, which will eventually close the missile gap."
"[And] we must rebuild our diplomatic corps. . . . When Guinea became independent . . . it took us 8 months to send an ambassador. [The Soviet Union] was there the day they got independence, and now Guinea support the Communist foreign policy."
Senator John F. Kennedy, presidential campaign speech, 1960
Which of the following best describes a difference between Eisenhower's and Kennedy's arguments in the excerpts?

"Resolved, That the Senator from Wisconsin, Mr. [Joseph] McCarthy . . . repeatedly abused the subcommittee and its members who were trying to carry out assigned duties, thereby obstructing the constitutional processes of the Senate, and that this conduct of the Senator from Wisconsin, Mr. McCarthy, is contrary to senatorial traditions and is hereby condemned.
"Sec 2. The Senator from Wisconsin, Mr. McCarthy . . . in stating to the public press on November 13, 1954, that the chairman of the Select Committee (Mr. Watkins) was guilty of 'the most unusual, most cowardly things I've ever heard of' and . . . in characterizing the said committee as the 'unwitting handmaiden,' 'involuntary agent' and 'attorneys-in-fact' of the Communist Party and in charging that the said committee in writing its report 'imitated Communist methods' . . . acted contrary to senatorial ethics and tended to bring the Senate into dishonor and disrepute, to obstruct the constitutional processes of the Senate, and to impair its dignity; and such conduct is hereby condemned."
United States Senate Resolution 301, 1954
The excerpt could best be used as evidence by historians studying which of the following?

"We know through painful experience that freedom is never voluntarily given by the oppressor; it must be demanded by the oppressed. Frankly, I have yet to engage in a direct-action campaign that was 'well timed' in the view of those who have not suffered unduly from the disease of segregation. . . . We must come to see, with one of our distinguished jurists, that 'justice too long delayed is justice denied.' We have waited for more than 340 years for our constitutional and God-given rights. The nations of Asia and Africa are moving with jetlike speed toward gaining political independence, but we still creep at horse-and-buggy pace toward gaining a cup of coffee at a lunch counter."
Martin Luther King, Jr., African American leader, "Letter from Birmingham Jail," 1963

"The White man knows that the Black revolution is worldwide. . . . So I cite these various revolutions, brothers and sisters, to show you that you don't have a peaceful revolution. You don't have a turn-the-other-cheek revolution. There's no such thing as a nonviolent revolution. The only kind of revolution that's nonviolent is the Negro revolution. The only revolution in which the goal is loving your enemy is the Negro revolution. It's the only revolution in which the goal is a desegregated lunch counter, a desegregated theater, a desegregated park, and a desegregated public toilet.... That's no revolution. Revolution is based on land.... Land is the basis of freedom, justice, and equality. . . . A revolutionary wants land so he can set up his own nation, an independent nation."
Malcolm X, African American leader, "Message to the Grass Roots," 1963
In noting that he had "yet to engage in a direct-action campaign that was 'well timed,'" Martin Luther King, Jr., was most likely arguing against

"We know through painful experience that freedom is never voluntarily given by the oppressor; it must be demanded by the oppressed. Frankly, I have yet to engage in a direct-action campaign that was 'well timed' in the view of those who have not suffered unduly from the disease of segregation. . . . We must come to see, with one of our distinguished jurists, that 'justice too long delayed is justice denied.' We have waited for more than 340 years for our constitutional and God-given rights. The nations of Asia and Africa are moving with jetlike speed toward gaining political independence, but we still creep at horse-and-buggy pace toward gaining a cup of coffee at a lunch counter."
Martin Luther King, Jr., African American leader, "Letter from Birmingham Jail," 1963

"The White man knows that the Black revolution is worldwide. . . . So I cite these various revolutions, brothers and sisters, to show you that you don't have a peaceful revolution. You don't have a turn-the-other-cheek revolution. There's no such thing as a nonviolent revolution. The only kind of revolution that's nonviolent is the Negro revolution. The only revolution in which the goal is loving your enemy is the Negro revolution. It's the only revolution in which the goal is a desegregated lunch counter, a desegregated theater, a desegregated park, and a desegregated public toilet.... That's no revolution. Revolution is based on land.... Land is the basis of freedom, justice, and equality. . . . A revolutionary wants land so he can set up his own nation, an independent nation."
Malcolm X, African American leader, "Message to the Grass Roots," 1963
At the time the excerpts were written, Martin Luther King, Jr., disagreed with Malcolm X in that King believed that

Which of the following arguments about US policy toward decolonization do the excerpts best support?

Which of the following best describes an interpretation of the overall trend in the graph of United States crude oil consumption between 1950 and 1980?

Which of the following was a key difference between the Korean War and the Vietnam War quizlet?